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Farmers of Sindh; In the Context of History

History: In Farmers of Sindh after 75 years of independence no change.

In the context of history, even after 75 years of independence, there has been no significant change in the plight of farmers in Sindh Pakistan.

The history of the farmers movement in Sindh, the second largest province of the country, is quite old.

In this context, it is very important to study a research by Gohar Sultana Uzma so that our politicians and intellectuals can know better about the problems of the farmers of Sindh.

During the reign of Jahangir, Sindh was made a permanent separate province in 1614. In 1732, this area was given to Nawab Amir Khan as Jagir.

He gave the territory of southern Sindh under the supervision of Mian Muhammad Yar Kalhoda in 1738.

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In this way, all the territories of northern and southern Sindh came under the control of the Kalhora family and Mian Noor Muhammad Kalhora was granted permission to rule the entire Sindh with the title of Khuda Yar Khan by the Mughal government, because the purpose of the Mughal conquests was neither victory nor victory.

The occupied areas were to be freed from atrocities and it did not mean the welfare of the people. His aim was only to show off his power.

Therefore, the Mughal rule in Sindh could not lead to any positive socio-economic change.

Such classes, including farmers and cultivators, continued to suffer in the hands of exploitation as in the past. In the spirit of Islam, God is the only owner of the earth.

Land is considered the temporary property of the person who sows and reaps the crop himself. His Holiness has strictly prohibited giving away land and has declared personal ownership of land and property forbidden.

Sindh in 1843:

During the 150 years before the British occupation of Sindh in 1843, the traditional feudal system had declined due to internecine wars between local Muslim rulers.

The British developed a class that acted as a mediator between the government and the peasantry.

This class received land ownership rights with the objective of further increasing the speed of revenue collection and the amount of revenue from agricultural areas. Consequently, the first revenue collection system in Sindh was established on a cash basis.

The cash tax was a fixed share of the total produce of the land cultivated by the peasants, which the zamindar fixed and set aside.

The only class of landlords whose agrarian estates were included in the category of jagirs (tax-exempt land grants) were exempt from paying cash land tax.

These jagirs were granted either to those who supported the new rulers or to those already established and permitted by the new rulers.

There are few more important testimonies regarding bootlegging during the British period in Sindh. To get maximum benefit from agricultural land, the British laid the foundation of revenue account.

Registration of land records has started. Distribution and allotment of land on government and non-government basis started.

Competent officers like tipidars, patwaris, mukhtarkars, muqaddams, deputy commissioners, etc. and the police created a subservient group of bureaucrats who owned the black and white of their area and tax collection was now done on the basis of gender rather than gender. The Jinas coin came into circulation in the present day.

Sindh in 1843:

An important point was that at the time of the British occupation of Sindh in 1843, all the landlords in Sindh, whether small or large, were Muslims.

He, a Hindu businessman, lent money on interest and worked in the court of the Talpurs. Hindus couldn’t own land.

Civil courts were established in Sindh in 1866 as Hindus legally gained the power to reclaim their debts, Muslim debtors’ land was forcibly sold, and Hindus became landlords for the first time.

From 1866 to 1892, 1,771 Hindus had become landlords who owned more than two hundred acres of land, while the number of Muslim landlords was 7,620.

By 1947, Hindus had mortgaged millions of acres of land belonging to local Muslim landlords and cultivators.

Abdul Qadir:

In 1930, Abdul Qadir, along with Jethmal Paras Ram, Hyder Bakhsh Jatoi, and Abdul Majeed Sindhi, attended a conference of Kisan Tehreek activists called by Indian National Congress leader Jamshed AR Mehta at Mirpur Khas, which established the Sindh Hari Committee. Abdul Qadir was elected as its General Secretary.

The Sindh Hari Committee achieved great success when it brought the eviction cases to their inheritance rights through legal action.

The successes in Hyderabad encouraged the Sindh Hari Committee to expand its activities further and soon its activities spread from Hyderabad to the districts of Nawabshah, Sanghar and Larkana.

With the expansion it became necessary to establish the center of the organization at a central place, consequently the headquarters of the Sindh Hari Committee was shifted to Hyderabad in 1936 and established in a building donated by a Muslim Mall officer this Muslim officer’s name was Haider Bakhsh Jatoi.

Hari Committee:

This Haider Bakhsh emerged as the invincible leadership of Hari Committee in the future. He resigned from the post of Deputy Collector and became an active member of the Committee.

The study of history and the eye of consciousness makes us understand that our history is a history of deception with the people.

As the strong and talented leadership of the Sindh Hari Committee became popular and beloved among the Haris, it created difficulties not only for the outgoing British government but also for subsequent governments if they did not recognize their rights. Can headaches last forever? How can this conscious riba ‘temptation’ be crushed before it can be used for its own purpose? The thinking of the politicians of that time began to travel in this direction.

The big league leaders were well aware that these miserable losers would never vote for the big landlords of the league. No matter how strongly Pakistan is appealed in the name of Islam.

The sympathies and votes of the losers of Sindh were more related to the ideology of the Muslim League and the Congress than to the question of who would put the fruits of their centuries of deprivation and years of struggle on their hands.

These people were supporting Pakistan because they believed that the new state would provide them with opportunities that would free them from the interference of a foreign government and the bureaucracy working under it. And will be able to use political power.


Haris believed that in the new state of Pakistan, the injunctions of the Quran would be enforced and ownership of land would be recognized under these laws on the other hand, Hari had the role of his Sindh Hari Committee its candidates had not only promises and slogans but a long and successful struggle.

The orthodox Muslim and simple-minded Hari saw the test as when the Sindh Hari Committee could melt the chains of his centuries of slavery without any power.

So why can’t the Muslim League wipe out these chains by gaining power and authority? So in the crunch of time, Hari threw a wrong decision coin. Which put his rising fortune on the way to decline.

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